| Notes - SFV |
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| Written by Said Samir | |
| Sunday, 24 July 2005 | |
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This article is a result of an interdisciplinary research project on the Metropolitan Food System of Cairo, Egypt undertaken by the Institute of Cultural Geography, Freiburg
University, Germany, and funded by the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, DFG). “Matariya” here is based on the 1986 census and includes Matariya Bahriya, Matariya Gharbiya, Matariya Gibliya, Shagaraat Mariam, Arab Abu Tawiilah and the western parts of Ain Shams. About the urban history see, for example, ABULUGHOD (1971). 2 The research area is bounded on the eastern side by the metro line (by Tirrat el Gabal-street)in the south by Matariya Square and by the northern part of Ibn al Hakim and Hurriya Street. The western boundary is defined by Kubri Mustawrid and by the eastern part of Sharia Troll. The boundary in the north is set by Sharia Saha. Liquorice vendors are the exception in Matariya; they work in the daytime even during Ramadan and sell liquorice in small plastic bags, which would be consumed later at night. In some popular places in downtown Cairo street food vendors used to work during Ramadan, but over the past few years they have disappeared and nowadays are only found to work during the daytime at Ramsis, near the main railway station of Cairo. This could be due to the fact that Muslims are allowed to eat in Ramadan in the daytime only if they are traveling. The following more detailed
findings are based on 51 in-depth interviews, representing a sample of 20% from the overall survey. In order to
reflect the seasonal character of the business, 26 interviews were undertaken
in June and July (1992) and 25 interviews in November and December (1994). The
vendors were selected by their willingness to cooperate, and by the intention
to represent the overall distribution of the four categories of food.
Therefore, the sample should not be considered to comprehensively represent the
socioeconomic situation of street food vendors in Matariya. However, we
consider the findings as relatively accurate. Regarding the commodities,
beverage vendors are underepresented in this sample (20% instead of 26% in the
overall survey), while sandwiches and meat dishes are slightly overepresented
(29% instead of 25% in the overall survey).
TJNKER found that 11% of the 784 enterprises in El Minya, a regional city in Upper Egypt, were run by female vendors in 1985 (1993, 2). We interviewed 8 women representing 16% of the sample, who were running their own business. This might represent the female participation in this business because, generally, women in Upper Egypt tend to be less economically active than in Cairo and in Lower Egypt. But of course, it has to be remembered here that our interview partners were not selected at random and are therefore not completely representative of the gender distribution of street food vendors in Matanya. 6 No distinction was made between incomes and prices from 1992 and 1994; therefore, changes by inflation and income are not represented here and in the following. The infrastructure for maize is excluded because its low cost and seasonal character of its business would excessively distort the average. 8 The Decree 635/1969 of the Ministry of Housing an Utilities regulates standards for carts and utensils used in street food vending; Decree 707/1968 list the foodstuffs that “street peddlers” are forbidden to sell, and the Decree 97/1967 relates to the health of the vendors themselves (see TiNKER 1993). The “official” position towards the street food vendors is, however, not homogeneous, nor does it seem to be coordinated. Meanwhile little change is occurring in the practices at the local level, new “top down” efforts, especially from the Minister of Health, are being brought forward. In June 1994 the design of a new type of stall for street food vendors was announced, allowing the vendors to handle food in a hygienic way (Ahram 10.6.1994; 21.2. 1995). This approach by the government corresponds with television campaigns in Egypt, where people are warned not to drink or eat from street food vendors because of hygienic conditions not being sufficient. 10 See GERTEL, this volume, particularly note 21. “In fall 1994 Egypt had a scandal on rotten meat, and the government launched a campaign against imported meat (see Tschirgi, this volume). Subsequently prices almost doubled; for example, prices for imported liver increased from LE 4 per kilogram to LE 7.5 per kilogram. 12 In downtown Cairo grilled maize, in contrast, is sold mainly by men.
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